In Sahelian West Africa, a small but growing number of women are finding ways to provide themselves the literacy and numeracy skills they need, or to supplement the rudiments they may have acquired in truncated formal schooling - in ways that avoid the recidivism and return-to-illiteracy rates often seen in formal schooling or official adult literacy programs. This is particularly true in the context of women's associations and income-generating projects.

The purpose of this study was to investigate and analyze, through participatory as well as traditional research methods, the strategies employed by a sample of women in Burkina Faso, Chad, Ghana and Mali, in both semi-urban and urban contexts, and by the new associations and businesses that they have formed, to acquire the literate, numerate and organizational skills required to promote themselves and their work.

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This study, funded by Adult Based Education and Literacy (ABEL), seeks to shed light on how West African women are gaining skills, what specifically they are doing, which skills they are acquiring, and how their models can be replicated. Specific questions that are addressed in this report include:

· What is the typology of traditional or existing types of organized and collective socioeconomic activity in which women have regularly been involved? What are the new socioeconomic activity in which they are currently b ecoming involved?

· What new socioeconomic activity seems the most interesting and challenging to women themselves? What are some case examples that can be studies?

· What is the nature of the production function of these activities? What are the levels of responsibility and technical competency involved in these activities? What are indicators of performance?

· Who are the women becoming involved in these activities? What are their entry level skills or what is their previous training? What are the levels of new responsibility that they actually assume?

· What are the strategies that women use to acquire the necessary competence: previous training or education used, traditional women's competencies mobilized, on-the-job or concurrent training formulas developed, etc.?

· What are the women's opinions - and those of other knowledgeable stakeholders - concerning the most pressing needs and the best ways to meet them?

Different teams used different methods, but all of them employed questionnaires and surveys. They also used research documents that highlighted the "gray" literature, contacted resource persons who are knowledgeable about both the context of this research and women’s activities in the informal sector. Each research team did site visits to determine the existence and capacity of groups, associations, and cooperatives. A report was submitted by all of the teams organizing the results of the field data collection (except for Mali who is still in the process of collecting data). The following subsections discuss each country’s research methodology more specifically.

Burkina Faso

The research team in Burkina Faso developed criteria for selecting their activities of study, including the nature of the activity and geographic location. This was to ensure diversity and to gain data from both urban and rural areas. This led to the study of women involved in the following activities: soap making, peanut oil production, plant production, drying vegetables, grain production and improving household efficiency. Also, resourceful people who worked with women or supported women’s groups were selected to interview. The majority of those interviewed assured financing for women’s activities.

The research team in Chad contacted and studied the activities of 12 organizations in Kara, Sahr, Moundou, N’jaména and Franga. In addition, they did a socioeconomic analysis of six organizations (2 cooperatives in N’djaména, 1 group in Franga, 1 association in Moundou and 1 group in Kara). They provided case studies from the following groups.....

The Ghanaian team used focus group discussions in addition to structured questionnaires for collecting data. The participants in the focus group discussions included women who are the beneficiaries of a credit with education program provided b y the Brakwa Breman Rural Bank. The team contacted and interviewed individual gender practitioners from various institutions.

The first phase of research for this team included an extensive review of the literature in Mali on organizational strategies to promote women’s activities. This included identifying various organizations promoting women’s activities. They examin ed the social objectives of these organizations, their regulations and how many members are involved in each. The team identified 332 Malian women’s organizations, averaging 44 members. There are approximately 14608 women involved in these groups throu ghout Mali, but mostly in the capital, Bamako. The team then identified four groups to survey:

- directors of women’s associations

- beneficiaries and members of these associations

- political and administrative supervisors of women’s groups

The team stratified the groups by activity to ensure a diverse population to sample. They then randomly selected from these groups to draw data from 44 women’s associations, 220 members, 48 directors, 2 women working at the ministerial level and 1 director of an agency supporting women’s organizations. The Malian team is now in the process of regrouping the qualitative data from the questionnaires into quantitative data to analyze on DBASE and SPSS software.

In much of West Africa, a small but growing number of women with little or no formal education are participating in the new institutions of civil society. To do this, these women are finding ways to provide themselves with the skills and competen cies that they need to assume economic, social and political functions. This section discusses strategies that West African women have traditionally used and are currently using to gain skills. "Skills" in this report refers to more than qualifications f or work in a specific enterprise, and also includes everyday knowledge and survival tactics (Wolpe 1994).

Writings on women’s economic strategies in West Africa emphasize two themes that are directly relevant to the study: (1) the poverty of the region and the cultural, physical and tribal constraints on the role of women in society and; (2) women’s lo ng tradition of participation in economic activities, particularly in agriculture and/or other "income" producing areas. The constraints include: lack of credit, minimal education and training opportunities, illiteracy and traditional laws and customs. These writings suggest that women who have proven to be successful over many years in their economic activities in the informal sector have traditionally gained skills through apprenticeship systems and familial and community relations. Thus, ge nder and the informal sector are two key concepts in these themes.

The concept of gender was often "invisible" to researchers prior to the early 1960's, thus the historical importance of women's economic activities in West Africa was ignored. Their roles in certain sectors of the economy have long been establishe d. One such sector where women often work is the informal sector, which varies greatly from the modern, formal sector in its characteristics and the role of government in its operations. It, too, was "invisible" prior to the early 1960's and includes a heterogeneous population involved in a variety of activities.

West African women have a long tradition of combining economic activity with domestic, agricultural and other pursuits. These activities are shaped by their cultural and economic environment. Existing constraints in this environment have forced w omen to employ many strategies to earn income. It is only within the past thirty years that concentrated attention has been paid by researchers to the economic activities of women and to the acquisition of the skills they require to carry out these activ ities (Berber & Buvini 1989, Fluitman & Oudin 1991, Fluitman 1989 & 1992, Birks, Fluitman, Oudin & Sinclair 1994, Dignard & Havet 1995, Robertson 1984, Hafkin & Bay 1976, Bas 1989, Cobbe 1985).

There is also a small body of literature suggesting that the current economic crisis in West Africa and the various movements of democratization and decentralization are altering the roles of women in society. This is both an obstacle and an oppo rtunity for West African women. It is an obstacle because there are presently even fewer jobs available to women in the formal sector of the economy, while the share of economic responsibilities of women is increasing. It is also an opportunity though b ecause with decentralization and democratization, some barriers are being lifted against women. We then suggest three main research questions for this study: (1) what new economic, social and political activities are women in Burkina Faso, Chad, Ghana an d Mali participating in, 2) who is participating in these new activities, and 3) what kinds of skills are they using in these activities and how did they acquire them?

The following section is a compilation of the existing literature that focuses on women's skills acquisition and economic activities. It is the backdrop for understanding cultural context, women's voluntary organizations and the process of how wom en gain skills in Burkina Faso, Chad, Ghana and Mali.

The Cultural Background of Women in Burkina Faso, Ghana, and Mali

It is essential to understand the culturally patterned rhythms of daily life at various points in the life cycle to have a deeper understanding of a woman's behavior, socialization and skill acquisition in Burkina Faso, Chad, Ghana and Mali. Socia lization is a process of gaining tacit knowledge and learning communication skills which involves parents, kin and others (Grosz-Ngaté 1989). A woman's relationship varies with each individual according to their sex, age and status in society.

There is a fairly strict division of labor between men and women in West Africa. Women are usually charged with feeding and cleaning the household, paying for school fees and providing for the health care of their children (Riesman 1992, Cobbe 198 5). The management of their households and numerous responsibilities provides one avenue of skills acquisition.

Another avenue derives from the principle role women play in Burkina Faso, Chad, Ghana and Mali. The most important title for these woman is "mother." Care for her children and the creation and maintenance of family is often her main goal because it is an expression of success (Riesman 1992). This not only justifies her femaleness, but ensures her adulthood in terms of support in her old age and improves her father's position in society (Pellow 1977).

Familial relations provide a political structure in the community which helps strengthen the relationship between mother and daughter socially and economically. This arrangement is a survival strategy, especially for a Muslim woman whose mobility is restricted by religious beliefs. Children assist their mothers in minding younger children, running errands, carrying messages and doing the shopping (Fluitman 1989, 53). Mothers are strict in disciplining their children, particularly the girls, and there is little patience for correcting their errors. There is great adherence to the norms of child-raising and rarely deviance due to watchful community eyes. Riesman (1992) suggests that girl's responsibilities begin by the age of five.

A woman's education does not end with moving away from familial support after marriage. Lifelong learning is part of an informal education system in West Africa. P. Coombs identifies informal education as a "lifelong process by which every person acquires and accumulates knowledge, skills, attitudes, and insights from daily experiences and exposure to the environment" (1974, 26-27). Continuous learning is enforced through: stories, songs, observation, social interaction, speech, and conduct tow ard elders. "Proverbs are one means of sharpening adult consciousness and of fixing in memory the truths that seem necessary for social life" (Riesman 1992, 150). They transmit knowledge and social customs, and define relationships and belonging in soci ety. Stories are rich sources of themes for moral education and this prevails even outside the household in the informal sector (Belpassi 1994).

Traditional attitudes mesh with economic activity. The division of labor between men and women makes their knowledge base gender-specific according to their roles and perceived responsibilities. Because polygyny exists, women are often on their o wn financially. Money is very important because it contributes to a woman's independence (Pellow 1977, Dei 1994). A woman very rarely shares her economic activities with her husband because she does not want him to know her profits and because property ownership is often separate (Hafkin and Bay 1976, Robertson 1984). Urban informal centers merge these traditional and modern elements.

There is a prediction that work in the informal sector will outgrow both the formal sector and rural work in West Africa by the year 2020 (Birks et al. 1994). In West Africa, the informal sector thrives because of economic adversity in the 1970 and 1980's. Though it is heterogeneous and difficult to define, the informal sector is often characterized by: small size of operations, reliance on family labor and local resources, low capital endowments, labor intensive technology, limited barri ers to entry, a high degree of competition, informal credit, and an unskilled workforce (Berber & Buvini 1989, Birks et al. 1994, Cobbe 1985). Most economic activity here is not registered with government agencies, nor does it comply with gove rnment regulations concerning labor practices, taxes and licensing (Berber & Buvini 1989, Birks, et al. 1994). It is uncounted or undercounted by official statistics and most of the workforce is nonunionized.

Some studies claim that the informal sector is more efficient than the formal sector because it is effective in overcoming barriers to expansion with quick responses to market demands (Moser & Marsie-Hazen 1984, Berber & Buvini 1989, Fluit man 1989). This efficiency is due to flexible internal relations and its specificity to local needs. Hours of operation are flexible, irregular and not subject to contracts, partly due to seasonal and economic changes. Long term planning is not always possible because low levels of technology and capital hamper continuous production.

West African women do not have easy access to the formal sector, thus many of their activities occur in the informal sector (Dignard & Havet 1995). Intrahousehold income distribution patterns and the rise of women-headed households increase th e need for cash incomes for women. Their most viable option is to develop small-scale enterprises in the informal sector because they combine reproductive and productive activities. This requires multiple skills and an ability to work at various levels simultaneously. It integrates immediate and long-term needs while addressing market cycles determined by resources and demand. Market opportunities in the informal sector are beneficial to the economic development of women, but the very reasons why some women work in the informal sector also inhibit their progress. These include: social prejudices, domestic and child care responsibilities and a lack of legal rights (Birks et al.1994).

Presently, the informal sector is almost seen as a cure for development problems. It can be a stepping stone from rural to urban and traditional to modern (Bonnet 1993). The increase in unemployment and decline in economic growth makes the inform al sector an option for unemployed graduates to earn a living (Fluitman & Oudin 1991). It cannot be considered a panacea though because one of its major problems is its lack of diversity in products. The lack of capital and obstacles to training, cr edit and resources result in many women selling homogeneous products. Competition is strict and profit margins are low (Berber & Buvini 1989). But now, women's roles are now changing in the informal sector and they are succeeding economically often with the help of women's voluntary organizations.

A major resource for women in the informal sector for acquiring skills and support is women's voluntary associations (WVA) which have been increasing numerically in West Africa since World War II. Their popularity is contingent upon their practica l services and their flexibility. Originally, WVA's developed to cope with unanticipated expenses mostly caused by illness or death. Eventually, these groups evolved into revolving credit and work groups. Creevy states that these dynamic cooperatives a re designed to: rationally organize collective work, ensure a regular supply of raw materials and production equipment, organize the development of products, and increase and stabilize profits (1986,163). WVA's maximize potential economic opportunity by merging resources and efforts and providing credit services, training, and child care. They offer economic opportunities larger than family networks by widening the potential for business links. Women increase their contacts and customers and are assi sted in their introduction to urban realities which is essential if they came from rural areas to work in the informal sector. WVA's try to offset the negative effects on women's lives. Because women in Burkina Faso, Chad, Ghana and Mali are continually seeking ways to diversify and expand their economic opportunities, these organizations provide a central role to their development. Their innovative methods which reach and empower women which attracts new members.

WVA's work on both the macro and micro level. On the macro level, they provide information about national affairs and political issues while involving women with decision-making activities and working to reform laws that affect them (Gyimah-Boadi 1993). The Groupe de récherche, d'études et de formation "Femmes-Action" (GREFFA) established itself as a service that also lobbies for women's rights (Vaa, Findley & Diallo 1989). Organizations such as Réseau sous-r&e acute;gional femmes africaines et droites humains (RSFAD), which was established by GREFFA, link the efforts of all West African women's associations to further research and encourage women's participation in supporting their rights in a democratic pr ocess.

On the micro level, a woman's biggest obstacle in the informal sector is the lack of credit or working capital available to them (Fluitman & Oudin 1991, Bose 1990). This is why so many associations were established. For example, a popular ve hicle for savings in Ghana is the susu. It is a rotating credit association that women utilize to protect their savings from husbands, theft, etc. (Hafkin & Bay 1976, Steel & Aryeetey 1996). Women can deposit as little as the equivalent o f 25 cents per day into an account that she can collect monthly to restock supplies. This is very convenient for women as they can bank at their workplace. The susu allows small deposits which most banks discourage. In Mali, there are two forms of the susu called the tontine and pari (Vaa et al. 1989). They are more informal in their organization than the susu because, they are formed by a group of six to twelve women who see each other frequently. This exch ange provides business and social contacts. Women learn prices, business techniques, and even recruit partners in these types of voluntary associations (Hafkin & Bay 1976).

Another service that WVA's provide at the micro level is nonformal education based on members' demand. Training programs include: skill-based literacy, business management, personal needs assessment, human relations, awareness of individual and g roup worth, group ownership while increasing commitment, cooperative organization, production skills, legal aid, health, family planning, banking, credit and leadership formation (Gyimah-Boadi 1993, Berber & Buvini 1989, Dignard & Havet 1995). Th e most effective programs link with production because skills can be practiced immediately.

WVA's have no entry level skills or previous training requirements. Most of the women involved in these associations already work in the markets of the informal sector (Dignard & Havet 1995). However, most associations are open to any woman whatever her background. For example, the Union nationale des femmes du Mali (UNFM) aims to

WVA's familiarize women with organizational behavior and bureaucratic structures. Political skills are learned while women hold positions of authority in these associations (March & Taqqu 1986). They provide access to the micro and mac ro level of business organization. These associations are formal or informal in nature. Their role in helping women acquire skills and credit is implicit in their goal of developing solidarity among women.

Apart from women's voluntary associations, how else, do women in Burkina Faso, Chad, Ghana and Mali acquire needed skills for economic activities? Understanding the indigenous knowledge system is key to understanding skill acquisition among wo men in these three countries. This is because there is a transfer of skills from the household and culture to work. Skill acquisition integrates with household relations. "The idea of education, which in the African tradition cannot be separated from th at of training, is part of a global perspective of society - as is the idea of work" (Kempner et al. 1993, 383). Women learn by their socialization process from key figures in their lives (mother, aunt, or any other older female relative) and thro ugh the long standing traditional apprenticeship system in West Africa. All of these are embedded in the everyday life of their society.

It is also important to look at the role of formal education in women's lives to determine its effectiveness as a vehicle for employment. This form of education provides a foundation for establishing literacy and numeracy. There is evidence that for some females, formal education is both an advantage and disadvantage (Robertson and & Berber 1986, Robertson 1984, Pellow 1977). The advantages are literacy, numeracy and new contacts. The major disadvantage is that it loosens bonds between moth ers and daughters (Robertson 1984, Hafkin & Bay 1976). Exposure to formal schools can be alienating because they can alter perceptions of work. Daughters can become less cooperative and this results in less efficiency and money for the mother. In g eneral, apprenticeships are valued more than reading and writing, especially if there is a perception that curriculum does not correlate with the job market (Birks et al. 1994, Fobih 1987).

Apprenticeship systems are a woman's introduction into the informal sector. An apprenticeship teaches both specific skills for social behavior and technical ability. They provide internal structures for ways of knowing and a means to transfer tha t knowledge. An apprentice works with a "master" who acts as a parental figure. (Traditionally for females, the term currently used is "mistress," and girls or women only work with female "mistresses.") It is an intermediate stage between leaving the s ecurity of the family and working on one's own. Apprentices learn from observation, and trial and error. Mistresses do not necessarily teach, but expect the apprentice to take learning upon themselves. Women may exchange or foster daughters to strength en their knowledge base in a particular field (Hafkin & Bay 1976, Fluitman 1989). Robertson (1984) discovered that girls typically begin apprenticeships at an average age of 9.3 years through a familial or friendship connection. Few skills are need ed to enter an apprenticeship. This is when girls learn to integrate responsibilities because they are required to perform more than one function at a time such as: buying, carrying, hawking, stationary selling and cleaning.

The apprenticeship system is so successful in Burkina Faso, Chad, Ghana and Mali, because it integrates observation and practical experience within the community for which it is designed. Also, it is cost-effective and pools resources and efforts. It is the preferred method of skill acquisition for many because it is "embedded in ritual and local customs" (Birks et al. 1994, 27). The rules implicit in the apprenticeship come from common law (Robertson 1984). It is designed to complement schooling, not replace it, by teaching technical, behavioral and organizational skills not learned in the current formal education systems in West Africa (Fluitman & Oudin 1991, Obidi 1995). Some apprentices learn reading and writing skills in their on-the-job training.

The most enviable skill in the informal sector is bargaining power which is essential to a woman's success (Fluitman & Oudin 1991, Pellow 1977, Robertson 1984). Women learn how to be gregarious, shrewd and pragmatic through their observations in apprenticeships. They also learn how to cost a product, repair equipment and do some bookkeeping.

A typical apprenticeship for women lasts six months to two years and sometimes a contract is drawn up between parents and the mistress (Fluitman & Oudin 1991). The first lesson for an apprentice is to learn the behavior expected from them. Th is is conveyed by performing menial tasks. Questions are not encouraged. Eventually, they learn the tools of the trade and pick up more complex activities (Fluitman 1989 & 1992, Birks et al. 1994).

One such activity is learning how to reinvest. This ensures a woman's daughter's future. Risk-spreading is an important strategy learned in the informal sector (Cobbe 1985). For the most part, income generation is diverse, quick and continuous b ecause no single enterprise can meet women's needs at all times. Women try to enrich and stretch their resources to ensure provision of funds in case of illness, divorce, seasonality, etc.

Women in Burkina Faso, Chad, Ghana and Mali, acquire a variety of skills in a variety of ways. From their birth until their death, they exemplify the principles of lifelong learning. Girls learn mostly from their mothers through observing her act ions socially and at work and through listening to her songs, proverbs, etc. These have moral and behavioral objectives. As she grows, so does her exposure to community-based concepts. Collective practices in rituals and work help her to understand her place in the community. The transition from girlhood to womanhood with marriage sets the stage for undertaking more responsibilities, and the cycle repeats itself.

Solidarity is important to West African women. This derives from social customs and traditional divisions in labor between male and females. Women use this solidarity to improve their economic viability in the informal sector. Women's voluntary organizations and apprenticeships support their actions and provide the right skills for women's work. Both have cultural and socioeconomic insight with a framework that is conducive to providing for women's needs. The continuation of women's involvemen t in the informal sector can contribute to their full and meaningful participation in national development. Control over their lives and income creates self-esteem, self-confidence and self-reliance.

Two areas for further research are: labor mobility (because this is what transfers skills) and what motivates female entrepreneurs (Fluitman 1989, Birks et al. 1994). Also, because "informal sector employment for women tends to be associat ed with economic activities which are insecure, do not provide full-time employment, generate low incomes and are characterized by relatively low productivity," (Fluitman 1989, 49) more research needs to be done to illuminate this situation to make polici es to improve these conditions. Even though the informal sector eases bottlenecks in society, it is not a cure-all because it subjects women to long hours, poor working conditions and health hazards (Bose 1990, Portes & Böröcz 1988).

It is important to remember that training is only valued when linked to gainful employment. There is no single solution to how international, national or local agencies can provide training should be conducted for women in the informal sector because of the variety of skills and obstacles to their progress.

There are continuous debates on the effectiveness of implementing policies for the informal sector (Fluitman 1989). Mark Blaug cautions that "at present, the best thing that could happen to informal education is that it be left alone, not in the l east because it appears to achieve a wide range of educational objectives more successfully than the formal system" (Fluitman 1989, 9). Training in the informal sector needs to adhere to the attitudes and values supported by the heterogeneous group of tr ainees. The casual nature of work is part of the socialization of youth in West Africa. More skills are learned in one's livelihood than in formal or nonformal education. Apprenticeship systems are dynamic, flexible, growth-oriented, and self-regulatin g and produce skilled workers at no cost to the government.

It is beneficial to identify new women's activities, whether formal or informal, emerging in the private or informal sector. How can these new women's economic activities benefit from training from WVA’s? How does decentralization affect wome n in the private sector? Are there certain skills that are more beneficial to women in Burkina Faso, Ghana and Mali, that are not taught by families or community, women's voluntary associations and/or apprenticeships?

* They have a competitive drive. c

* They have an inventive spirit. c

* It helps meet their financial needs. c, b, g

2. What are the difficulties that women experience?

* They feel limited because of their domestic responsibilities. C, b

* They want to pay for the education of their children. C,b,g

* They have responsibilities in the fields. C,b

* Their husbands resist their involvement in group activities. C,b

* They do not have enough time to attend meetings or trainings. c

* There is a lack of diversity in activities and products. C,g

* They have to buy their supplies through a middleman. C,b

* Their low literacy levels inhibit their progress. C,b,g

* They only gain modest returns for their efforts. C,b,g

* They lack equipment, materials and money. C,b,g

* They lack professional and technical training. C,b,g

* They may lack motivation or desire to work in groups. c

* They are subject to poor health. B,g

3. What do Women's Voluntary Associations provide?

* Access to credit. C,b,g

* Access to modern equipment. C,b,g

* Mobilized savings through fundraising. C,b,g

* Aid in diversifying economic activities. C,b

* Improved living conditions, health and education for their families. C,b, g

* Access to training and information. C,g

* Financial autonomy. C,g

* Gender awareness creation. B,g

* Day care centers. g

* Democratic, consensus in decision-making c,g

* Voluntary c

* Solidary c,g

* Clear, common objectives c

* Honesty among members c

* Biweekly or monthly meetings c

* Discuss evolution of activities c

* Decide on investments c

* Work on balance sheets c

* Resolve problems c

* Give out collective earnings c

* Work in task forces c

* Different leadership positions c,b,g

* Tontines pursue social and economic goals through creating savings associations. They are spontaneously organized and used especially during harvesting and to help with social events

* Functional literacy training in their local language. C,b,g

* Information about markets, equipment, how to purchase stock, costing and pricing. C,b,g

* Training in accounting, how to run a meeting, how to take notes. C,g

* Training in crisis management, business organization, customer relations. C,g

* Technical training in improving food preparation techniques, health and their socioeconomic position. C,b,g

* Microenterprise development. C,b,g

* Training on health, nutrition, family planning c,g

* Exporting soap to Europe. b

* Exporting dried fruits and vegetables and selling them during the dry season. b

* Exporting peanut oil. b

* Creating grain mills for grinding grains and storing them for shortages. b

* Plant production during the rainy season. B

Women's organizations derived from: religious, ethnic, trade and community groups. They are supported and encouraged by NGO's, state organizations, and local, regional and international development agencies.

Women involved in them are: * mothers, single, married or widowed; b

* not usually educated beyond the primary level; b

* previously trained in literacy and/or technical processes; b,g

* not influenced by religion. b

For many women, they do not want to disclose what they are doing with their accounting system because they do not want to have to pay taxes on it and they do not want their husbands to know how much money they have.

FROM CHAD'S REPORT: Literacy training will improve women's management abilities and their chances to work autonomously. There is also a need to stimulate initiative and creativeness among women to diversify their activities to earn money. Training m ay be better served if women are divided according to their education levels. This may better serve the potential and needs of certain groups of women. Technical and professional training will help women to improve the quality of their product and sales price. Management training should include improving accounting skills and decision-making skills. Choices are pertinent to activities, the acquisition of provisions, program planning and identifying opportunities. The trainings need to be practical an d include active training techniques. Researchers need to further study savings, organizational structure, how to guarantee deposits and attract individual or group savings for women's associations. There is a need for more money devoted to training to help define and organize activities. There needs to be an adaptable credit system that is progressive, decentralized and flexible. Women need to be stimulated to redefine their objectives and assess their positions to improve their chances of being rec ognized in the future by authoritative figures. Women's groups need to constantly take into consideration their difficulties. Exchanges between women's groups and different villages need to be encouraged to share experiences and increase initiative.

Questions for future research:

Madame Ki Zerbo who supports many women’s groups and associations (how?);

Tankoano Germain who works with ATTESTA (what does this stand for?) which is a nongovernmental organization (NGO) that specializes in training women to dry fruits and vegetables and make soap;

Madame Ouédraogo who oversees women’s activities at SNV (what does this stand for? what kind of activities?), a cooperative from the Netherlands;

Mr. Ouédraogo who is the Director of an NGO (what is it called?) which specializes in financing women’s activities.

National Council on Women and Development (NCWD) which is the umbrella organization for different women’s groups in the country;

Freedom from Hunger/Brakwa Breman Rural Bank which implements credit with education plus training programs for women in both rural and urban settings collaboratively;

GHACOE Women’s Ministry (what does it stand for?) which is a nondenominational christian organization that has been in existence since the 1980’s. They organize different types of training for different categories of women;

Women’s World Banking which is a nonfinancial banking institution established after the first world women’s conference (where? who sponsored it?) whose main objective is to offer credit to women. They also offer training to both women members and the general public.

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