From the very inception of tertiary education in some countries of the South (Third World), the idea of a scheme to allow disadvantaged adults, who did not have a chance to complete formal education, access into higher education institutions has been a nd still is foremost in the minds of progressive educationists. The large numbers of adults who may be capable, but lack the necessary formal entry qualifications, justify such thinking. There are a number of reasons which account for such large numbers of adults who are motivated and can benefit from higher education, but are still void of the necessary entry requirements.

First and foremost is the problem of inadequate provision of school places. This was notably so prior to independence in many African countries. Zambia and Zimbabwe are outstanding examples. The statistics relating to the educational achievement on the eve of Zambia’s independence in 1964 revealed an appalling situation. In a population of 3.5 million, there were approximately 1,000 persons who were holders of secondary school certificates, and about one hundred graduates altogether (Bown & Low e 1970). The illiteracy rate was (also higher than in most newly independent countries) estimated at being about 60% of the total population (Office of Statistics, Zambia 1970). In addition, in the rural areas, 3 out of 7 men and 17 out of 20 women had never attended school (Office of Statistics, Zambia 1970). The situation was equally bad for Zimbabwe. According to the 1969 census of Rhodesia (as Zimbabwe was called then) 72% of the African adult population had no formal education or had less than th ree years of formal education. The 1982 census (two years after independence) also revealed that out of a total adult population of 4 million, 63% (2.5 million) were either illiterate or semi-literate. This sad state of affairs was directly attributed t o the paucity of provision during the colonial era.

In spite of massive increases in educational provision after the attainment of independence, there remains, in these countries, a sizable number of the adult population who have not had an opportunity to complete the formal entry qualification. For ex ample, Zimbabwe has a 70% plus progression rate from Standard 7 to Form 1 (UNICEF 1993). Clearly, a third of the children who complete primary school do not proceed to secondary school. Also, while there is no qualifying examination between Form 1 and t he school certificate, the drop out rate has remained high. According to figures provided by UNICEF (1993) for the period 1984 to 1992, the average drop out rate between Form 1 and the school certificate is 24.5%. Thus, of the 200,000 plus pupils that e nroll for Form 1 annually, about 50,000 do not make it to ‘Ordinary’ level (four years later). The situation is worse for other countries in the region. For example, less than one fifth of those who sit for Grade 7 examinations make it to secondary scho ols in Zambia, and less than one third of those who make it to Form 1 go to ‘Ordinary’ level (Ministry of Education, Zambia 1972-1996). In Botswana, just over 50% of those who sit for Junior Certificate examinations proceed to Senior Secondary School (Mi nistry of Education, Botswana 1997).

Apart from inadequate school places, it is well documented that a number of other reasons such as poor health, attitudes of parents, and the possibility of pupils being late developers, contribute to a situation whereby a large number of persons attain adulthood without the necessary qualifications to enter tertiary education.

As a result of all these factors, there are a number of persons among the adult population, who have the ability, as demonstrated by performance in short courses, and experience in their work situation, but who lack the formal entry requirements for ad mission to university. This is a problem with which adult educators are very much concerned. It is not always feasible to expect adults, for a number of social and psychological reasons, to first achieve the formal qualification. Mature age entry schem es provide an opportunity for such disadvantaged persons to enter university. In essence, mature age entry schemes are designed to provide opportunities for university education for those adults who lack the necessary entry requirements, provided they ca n demonstrate capability for this level of study. They are second chance schemes, putting into practice the idea of open access.

In spite of the noble aims of the mature age entry scheme, such a scheme has always been an issue in adult education. There are those who argue that to allow persons to enter university without the necessary prerequisites is tantamount to lowering of university standards. A case in point, is a letter written by the Assistant Registrar, Admissions (University of Zimbabwe 1988), in response to the Department of Adult Education’s request for permission to waive some of the scheme’s entry requirements in respect of a candidate who had already enrolled as an occasional student. The letter clearly states that to waive some of the requirements of the scheme would be tantamount to lowering an already low standard.

There are also those who argue as to which category of disadvantaged adults should benefit from such a scheme. For instance, during the 1980/81 academic year there was a general feeling among some staff of the Centre for Continuing Education at the Un iversity of Zambia, that the scheme had served its usefulness since the needs of those capable persons who were denied the opportunities prior to independence would have long been met. They were of the opinion that it should not be used for failures of t he school system (Centre for Continuing Education, University of Zambia 1982). Today, many people at the University of Zambia, share this view. Hence, the scheme was discontinued in 1996 (Siaciwena 1996).

Another argument is that this scheme should be limited to certain fields of study. The University of Zimbabwe categorically states that admission through the scheme will only be for programs in the faculties of Arts, Commerce, Law, Social Sciences and Education (University of Zimbabwe 1996).

This study sought to comparatively analyze the policies, practices and performances of the mature age entry scheme in five countries in Southern Africa. The specific research questions of the study were:

The significance of this study is three-fold. From a theoretical point of view, it has surely added to the body of knowledge in relation to adult education and tertiary education. This has certainly brought to light the general policy, practices and performances of candidates in this scheme, which were hitherto not collated and, hence, not clear to a number of scholars and practitioners in the field of adult education. It is hoped that such interested persons will find the results of the study to be useful in their field of study or practice.

Secondly, it is hoped that the results and findings, especially the comparative analysis which is the major thrust, will be of use to the planners, policy makers, and administrators of tertiary education in their quest for ways and means of improving t he schemes.

Thirdly, the southern African region has a long history of neglect in educational provision for the indigenous peoples. For this reason, all universities in the region should have a policy of mature age entry to cater to the needs of the able cadres w ho did not have the opportunity to earn formal credentials. It is, therefore, hoped that the findings of this study will be useful in assisting those universities that do not have such schemes in their anticipated efforts to develop such schemes.

The study was limited to the Universities of Botswana, Swaziland, Zimbabwe, Lesotho and Zambia. The existence of mature age entry schemes in the first 3 universities was the main criteria for selecting them. The last two, which have terminated the sc hemes, were included because they were the pioneers of the scheme in the region. Also, it was felt that it was important to find out why they terminated their schemes.

Another criterion was the fact that they are all English speaking institutions who grew out of the British tradition, and, as such, there are a lot of similarities in them. While the Universities of Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland (BOLESWA) developed under similar circumstances, this was not the case with the Universities of Zambia and Zimbabwe. This provided an excellent opportunity for in depth comparative analysis.

The concept of ‘mature age entry’ has often been used interchangeably with the concept of ‘mature student’. This is not surprising since the clientele of mature age entry schemes are ‘mature students’. Also, there is confusion because the general def inition of ‘mature student’ includes the basic elements crucial to the definition of mature age entry. To sort out this confusion, an analysis of the concept of ‘mature student’ and how it relates to the concept of ‘mature age entry’ is clearly called fo r here.

The definition of ‘mature student’ is not consistent across the world. Indeed, in some countries, such as Italy and most developing countries, the concept does not exist at all. Where the concept has been adopted, it is defined in terms of age, and/o r in terms of the gap between leaving school and entering higher education. In terms of age, the definition varies from country to country, and sometimes from institution to institution. In the United Kingdom, the Council for National Academic Awards (C NNA) has adopted 21 years and over as the qualification for the age of maturity. In Denmark, anyone who is at least 20-21 years (depending on the context) is considered a mature student (Davies 1995).

In Belgium and France, the cut-off point is 23, while in Australia the most common cut-off point is 25, although this varies between institutions (Davies 1995). Age alone does not justify the relevance of the concept of ‘mature student’ in university education. Also, age does not in any way distinguish between the concept of ‘mature student’ and that of ‘mature age entry’. Hence, there is a need to also examine the issue of ‘maturity’ in terms of the time between leaving school and entering univers ity.

In respect to the gap between leaving school and entering university, three types of ‘mature student’ can be discerned. First, there are the ‘deferrers’ who are similar in many respects to the traditional student who comes directly from school, except that they have either taken extra time to obtain the usual entry qualification, or have taken time out for a variety of reasons before entering university. Second, there are the ‘returners’, who re-enter the university to upgrade or update their qualifi cations. Third and finally, there are the ‘second chancers’, who, due to some form of disadvantage, do not have the traditional university entry qualification (Davies 1995).

This last type of ‘mature student’ is what mature age entry is all about. Mature age entry is a second chance scheme for those people who, for one reason or another, could not obtain the necessary formal qualification for university entry. However, b efore these people are finally admitted for university study, they must have a proven record of capability for this level of study, as demonstrated by their performance in extra-mural courses and at work. Also, they must have completed their formal schoo l at least two years back, and be not younger than a certain age (ranges from 20 to 25 years). In addition, they may be required to pass a special entry examination and/or an interview.

Mature age entry schemes can be traced back to the introduction of the "colloquium doctum" by several Dutch universities in the nineteenth century (Sparkman & Owen 1995). Initially designed to enable rural students to study theology at u niversities, the "colloquium doctum" is essentially an individual and subject - specific admission procedure for those candidates aged 21 and above who do not possess standard entry qualifications for university education. To be eligible for ad mission through the scheme, applicants must possess some form of educational qualification, such as a higher vocational diploma gained in the armed forces or the civil service, but which is not normally recognized for university admission.

In 1979, the "colloquium doctum" accounted for 11.8% of all university students in the Netherlands. However, due to the introduction of an alternative scheme (the "hogescholen") in 1986, the significance of the "colloquium do ctum" has declined tremendously. In 1991/92, the scheme accounted for 2.4% (4027) of all registered university students (165,791) in the Netherlands. In fact, the "colloquium doctum" contributed only 1.9% (536) of the 1991 intake (27,932) (Spackman & Owen 1995).

Notwithstanding the fact that mature age entry schemes can be traced as far back as the nineteenth century, they did not become a significant feature of European universities until very recently. Several factors account for the recent proliferation of mature age entry schemes in Europe. First, the period following the second world war witnessed a shift in educational thinking from issues concerning the accessibility of secondary education to issues concerning the accessibility of tertiary and higher education (Hasley 1993). Second, the demographic trends of the early 1980s suggested declining numbers of school leavers, thus threatening the viability of the provision of higher education that had just undergone considerable expansion in response to na tional policies. Compounding this problem was reduced government funding for higher education and demands for increased access to higher education for other student groups. To sustain their viability in the absence of a concomitant increase in the numbe r of eligible school leavers, and also to respond to demands "to open up restrictive tertiary structures in favour of better participation opportunities for larger segments of society" (Gellert 1993, 17), universities cast their nets wider throu gh mature age entry schemes of one kind or another. Notable schemes in Europe are the Open University and the "Access" courses in the United Kingdom; the "colloquium doctum" (referred to earlier) and the "hogescholen" in the Netherlands; and the "Access tests" and the National University of Distance Education in Spain.

Perhaps the most notable mature age entry scheme in Britain, if not the world over, is the Open University which, since its inception in 1969, has had no entry qualifications for undergraduate programs (Hayes, King & Richardson 1997). Courses are designed in such a way that they can be studied by adults with little prior knowledge. In 1991, more than 18,000 new undergraduate students joined more than 80,000 continuing undergraduates at the Open University. The average age of the Open University student body is 34, the majority being in the 25-45 age group, and more than 75% remain in employment throughout their studies (Parry 1995). The other notable mature age entry scheme in the United Kingdom consists of "Access" courses which prov ide older students (21 years and above) who lack the necessary university entry qualifications with the subject specific knowledge and general study skills required for successful university study. In 1993, "Access" course schemes, which have b een adopted by many universities, contributed 13,000 students to universities throughout the United Kingdom (Davies 1995).

Besides the "colloquium doctum" that was discussed earlier, the Netherlands have another, and perhaps more significant mature age entry scheme, the "hogescholen". In principle, this route allows a student who does not possess the s tandard university qualification but who possesses a diploma in a vocational field to pursue a university degree, preferably in a related subject. In 1991, this scheme accounted for 20.4% (8003) of all university entrants (39,235). The scheme is limited to those who are 21 years and above (Spackman & Owen 1995).

The Higher Preparatory Examination (HF) in Denmark represents the third most significant mature age entry scheme in Europe. It is a university entrance examination for which anyone who is above 18 is eligible. Most people prepare for the examinations through two year college programs that are designed for that purpose. The HF courses, as they are called, are designed particularly for people who have had a break from full-time study. In principle, these courses are open to any one capable of studyin g at this level (Cooke 1995). Work experience, prior learning and general experience, such as residence in a foreign country (if the student wishes to study the language of that country) are among the capabilities that are taken into consideration. Star ted in 1967 with an enrollment of 500, the HF course system has expanded rapidly since then. In 1988/89, it had a total enrollment of 11,896 full-time and 48,221 part-time students. And, in 1992, the Higher Preparation Examination Scheme accounted for 1 6% (6372) of the total Danish University intake (39,995) (Cooke 1995).

The "Access Tests" in Spain are essentially university entry examinations for people who are 25 and above. The purpose of the test is to determine whether the applicant possesses a basic education and the capacity for balanced reasoning; the two traits that are considered essential for successful university study. The contribution of "Access Tests" to traditional universities has been very small; only 1.3 % (71) of the University of Viedo’s 1992/93 intake (5542) came through the & quot;Access Tests". The university records for 1992/93 showed that only 147 (0.4%) of the university’s total enrollment (in all years) of 37,008 had come via the "Access Test" route. The low numbers from the "Access Tests" have been blamed on the absence of an obligatory preparation course for Access Tests. Between 1990 and 1992, the overall pass rate at the University of Viedo was no greater that 25% (Osborne 1995). The situation is much better for the National University of Distance Education (UNED) where the Access Test preparation course is obligatory for all prospective entrants. The UNED’s 1988/89 intake is testimony of this. From a total undergraduate intake of 25 773, 11% (2835) came via "Access Tests" (Osb orne 1995).

Other notable European schemes are the adult version of the "Abitur" (the standard higher education entrance qualification) in Germany which contributed 2.4% (5124) to the total German University intake of 1990 (213,500) (Davies & Reising er 1995); the "Studienberechtigungsprufung" (an alternative university entry examination for 20 year olds and above who do not possess the "Matura") in Austria which accounted for 2.2% (482) of all university entrants (21,423) in 1988/ 9 (Benn 1995); and the Accreditation for Prior Learning and the Special Entry Examination in France which brought in 0.7% (4283) and 0.9% ( 3554) new entrants in 1990/91 and 1991/92, respectively (Davies 1995).

Outside Europe, the most renowned mature age entry schemes are found in Australia. They come in two major forms, namely, preparatory programs, and recognition of prior learning (Postle 1995). The most common preparatory programs include the Access an d Equity program at the University of Southern Queensland and the Open Foundation Course at the University of Newcastle. The objective of these programs is to provide disadvantaged groups with an alternative entry route to university education. In essen ce, these programs equip those students who do not have formal entry qualifications with the necessary prerequisites for entry into the university, and also teach them qualities that are associated with successful university study. Recognition of prior l earning has become a significant feature of "new" universities. It often involves formal award courses, particularly the determination of their equivalence to formal academic qualifications. In addition, these universities recognize experienti al or work-based learning. This scheme clearly excludes the marginalized adult students most of whom have no formal qualification of any kind, and often do not hold a formal job.

In southern Africa, the University of Zambia is undoubtedly the most experienced in the provision of mature age entry. In accordance with the submission of the Lockwood Commission (1963), that "a university will not serve its social purpose if it sets its standards of admission so high that it is concerned only with a tiny minority of extremely able students and does nothing for the larger numbers of less spectacular ability who will not realize their full potential in service unless they have th e advantage of a university education" (3), the University of Zambia adopted the Mature Age Entry Scheme in 1966. The scheme was initially aimed at the "large numbers of people of ability who were born too early to have benefited from universit y education (Siaciwena 1996, 2), which had started in 1957 with the inauguration of the University College of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. The original requirements that were adopted by the University Senate in 1967, remained in force till 1996 when the schem e was abolished, following recommendations of the Siaciwena Report (1966).

The mature age entry scheme established by the University of Botswana, Lesotho, and Swaziland (UBLS) in 1972 was initially "designed to offer those who are 25 years of age or over and who have not for whatever reason, been able to gain university entry qualifications at Secondary/High School level, a chance to study in the university on equal terms with other students" (University of Botswana, Lesotho & Swaziland 1971, 1). The UBLS scheme has been adopted with very little amendment by th e successors of that institution, namely, the National University of Lesotho (NUL) and the University of Botswana and Swaziland (UBS), and, subsequently, by the successors of the latter, the Universities of Botswana (UB) and Swaziland (UNISWA). In 1985, NUL suspended its mature age entry scheme, but the other two (those of UB and UNISWA) are still in operation.

The youngest scheme in the universities at hand, the mature age entry scheme offered by the University of Zimbabwe since 1981, is essentially a second chance university entry scheme for those people who had little opportunity to pursue higher education when they were younger. However, in principle, this facility is open only to those whose fields of activity are in humanities.

The introduction and administration of mature age entry schemes has not been without controversy. In countries with selective systems, such as the United Kingdom and Australia, there has been a lot of tension between the recruitment of mature age entr y students and the recruitment of school leavers. Traditionally, universities derive their reputation from excellence in the education of the young school leaver. As such, an institutional profile with a high proportion of mature age entrants in undergr aduate programs is often associated with lower status, hence, many universities are known to limit the number of mature age entrants to a small percentage per program (Hasley 1992, 282).

Also, many faculties remain unconvinced that successful completion of preparatory programs can be equated to the conventional entrance qualification. Hence, as Davies (1995) observes, most mature age entrants are found in the faculties of Arts, Educat ion, General Studies, Social Studies and Medicine, and very few, if any, are in Science, Engineering and Technology.

Nevertheless, there is no evidence to suggest that mature age entry schemes represent a lowering of university standards. On the contrary, available evidence indicates that performance of mature age entry students matches that of normal entry students . And, as a result, the majority of mature age entry students bring their studies to a successful conclusion.

While many attempts have been made to establish the policies, practices and performances of mature age entry schemes in Europe and Australia, no attempts seem to have been done to establish the same in Africa, let alone in the Southern African region. Accordingly, this study sought to analyze the policies, practices and performances of mature age entry schemes in five countries in Southern Africa.

The method of the study is discussed in four sub-sections; first, the sources of data; second, instrumentation; third, data collection procedures; and fourth, data analysis.

The study sought to study the five mature age entry schemes in terms of three major variables: policies, practices and performances. In order to establish the policies and practices of these schemes and thus, determine their development aspects and c urrent feelings towards them, the study sought information from relevant documents such as reports, brochures, council, senate, faculty and departmental minutes concerned with the issue. In addition, information was sought from registrars, assistant regi strars responsible for admissions, deans of faculties and heads of departments, irrespective of whether or not their faculties and their departments, respectively, are admitting students through this scheme. Since this was a fairly small group, the popul ation was taken as given.

With regard to performances of past and present students, students records and examination results were examined, accordingly. In addition, information was sought from assistant registrars responsible for examinations and those heads whose departments have had experience with such a scheme. Again, since they are fairly manageable groups, the assistant registrars and heads of departments were taken as given.

In order to obtain information not easily obtainable from documents while at the same time buttressing the information gleaned from the documents, a questionnaire was developed for the ‘administrators’ of the scheme. (See Appendix A). The questionnair e which particularly looked at the commitment to, as well as future prospects of the scheme, was a one hundred plus item survey with five sections. The first section included eleven socio-demographic variables which were considered relevant for the analy sis of the rest of the data. These variables included institution, faculty, department, discipline, highest academic qualification, and academic rank. The respondent’s perception of the mature age entry scheme formed the subject of the second section. The respondent’s perception of the issue at hand was considered important because it formed the basis of his/her responses to the rest of the survey.

Sections three, four and five constituted the heart of the study. Section three addressed policies and practices of existing mature age entry schemes, while section four addressed the performances of current and former students. Finally, section five sought information on the policies, practices and performances of past schemes, where applicable. The questionnaire was piloted on the Botswana section of the research population. It was found to be enjoyable, thought provoking, and relevant to the stu dy at hand.

The researcher collected data from the University of Botswana, and each collaborator collected data from his institution. At each institution, data were collected in two ways. First, a library search was conducted on the aforementioned reports, broch ures, council, senate, faculty, and departmental minutes on the issue at hand. The library search turned up a total of fifty seven relevant documents: 13 from Botswana; 8 from Lesotho; 12 from Swaziland; 14 from Zimbabwe; and 10 from Zambia. Altogether, fifteen documents from the other four universities were sent to the researcher. The rest could not be sent, largely because of their bulk. Nevertheless, the collaborators analyzed them and forwarded a summary to the researcher. Second, a total of 248 questionnaires were distributed to the administrators of the scheme (registrars, assistant registrars, deans and heads of departments).

At the University of Botswana, the questionnaire was sent to the 48 ‘administrators.’ Usable questionnaires were returned by 24 administrators for a response rate of 50%. In Lesotho, 13 out of the 52 administrators returned the questionnaire, giving a 25% return rate. In Swaziland, 10 out of 25 returned the questionnaire. Of the 69 administrators of the scheme at the University of Zimbabwe, 22 (31.9%) returned the questionnaire. Finally, at the University of Zambia, a 35.2% response (19 out of 54) rate was attained. The author does not consider the low response rate as a problem for the simple reason that the population was taken as given. As such, the responses were adequately representative of the population at hand.

The first step in data analysis was to compile a demographic profile of the respondents. Then open ended questions (which were not many) were subjected to a content analysis and inductively coded. The third and final step of data analysis consisted o f subjecting all the data to simple statistical techniques such as frequency counts and percentages.

Altogether, 88 people responded to the survey: 24 from Botswana; 13 from Lesotho; 10 from Swaziland; 19 from Zambia and 22 from Zimbabwe.

The respondents consisted of 12 deans, 4 directors of institutes, 62 heads of departments, 2 registrars, 2 deputy registrars, 3 senior assistant registrars, and 3 assistant registrars. The majority (73) were male. Seventy-eight were black, 9 white, a nd one oriental. They ranged in age from 39 to 61. With respect to level of education, 51 had doctorates, 31 had masters degrees and the rest (6) had Bachelors degrees. Among the 78 academics, they were 36 lecturers, 22 senior lecturers, 8 associate pr ofessors and 12 professors. The distribution by faculty was as follows: Education, 24; Engineering and Technology, 4; Humanities and/or Arts, 11; Science, 10; Social Sciences, 8; Law, 1; Commerce, 2; Medicine, 5; Veterinary Science, 3; and Agriculture, 10. Finally, 33 heads were in departments that had or had had mature age entry schemes.

The objectives of mature age entry schemes are the same across the five institutions, namely, to provide a second chance opportunity for university education for those people who have the ability, as demonstrated by performance in short courses, an d experience in their work situation, but who lack the formal entry requirements for admission to university. Each scheme is essentially an alternative entry route for university education. In a sense, it constitutes an exception from the standard quali fications specified under the general entrance requirements. It is designed to enable some potential graduates, who would otherwise be excluded by the standard entrance requirements, to enter the university and study on equal terms with others.

In principle, each scheme is complementary to existing entrance qualifications, in that it is one of the accepted alternative qualifications for admission to some of the study programs offered at the university. Technically, in all the institutions bu t the University of Zimbabwe, the scheme is applicable to all programs across the university. At the University of Zimbabwe, admission through the scheme is limited to programs in the faculties of Arts, Commerce, Law, Social Sciences and Education.

All the schemes, but that of the University of Zambia, are aimed at three levels of study: certificate, diploma and Bachelors degree levels. At the University of Zambia, the scheme is exclusively applicable to Bachelors degree programs.

Essentially, the objectives of the scheme at hand are consistent with the concept of ‘second chancers’ which is what mature age entry is all about.

The ‘administrators’ of the scheme were asked to indicate whether or not the scheme should continue. In Botswana, only 3 of the 24 administrators said the scheme should be discontinued. Of the three, one was a director of an institute which did not h ave the scheme, one was head of a department which did not have the scheme, and, surprisingly, the third headed a department which had the scheme. At the National University of Lesotho, only one of the 13 ‘administrators’ would like the scheme to remain suspended. Surprisingly, this respondent headed a department which had such a scheme. In Swaziland, all the ten administrators would like the scheme to continue in existence. Of the 19 ‘administrators’ at the University of Zambia, 6 would like to see t he scheme remain closed. Among the six are four heads of departments whose departments had such a scheme. The other two were a head whose department did not have such a scheme and a member of the registry. Finally, at the University of Zimbabwe all ‘ad ministrators’ but one head whose department had such a scheme would like the scheme to continue.

Altogether, 77, out of 88 ‘administrators’ would like mature age entry schemes to continue. When asked why they would like these schemes to continue all of them seem to be saying that they are a symbol of open access which is otherwise lacking in univ ersities. On the other hand, 11 administrators would like to see mature age entry schemes discontinued. When asked to explain their answers, six said that "the scheme had served its usefulness" while the rest said "the scheme was now bein g used to accommodate failures of the school system." Of particular interest, is the fact that 7 of those who would like to see the scheme terminated have or had such schemes in their departments.

By target group, it is meant the general category of people who have over the years benefited form the scheme. As outlined earlier in the objectives of each scheme, the University of Zimbabwe categorically states that admission through the scheme shal l be restricted to programs that are offered by the faculties of Arts, Commerce, Law, Social Sciences and Education. And, indeed, over the years these faculties have admitted some students through the scheme. Before a candidate is admitted into a facult y program through the scheme, he/she must show proof of two things:

Clearly, both in principle and in practice, the University of Zimbabwe discriminates against those people who have done extra-mural studies that are considered to lie outside the programs that are offered by the five faculties. Also, the university cl early discriminates against people whose work experience lies outside the fields that are traditionally associated with the faculties at hand.

When asked to choose a possible explanation for discriminating against natural scientists, from a list of several explanations, all the 22 respondents cited the following: "lack of extra-mural programs in the natural sciences means that very few i ndividuals, if any, can improve themselves in this field outside the formal school system."

While, as outlined earlier, the other institutions do not, in principle, discriminate against any sectors of the education community, in practice they do. The University of Botswana has, to date, admitted mature age entrants only into the following fa culties: Education, Humanities and Social Sciences. Similarly, the National University of Lesotho admitted the majority of mature age entrants into the faculties of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences, and very few into the faculty of Science. In the last seven years (from 1991/92 to 1997/98), the University of Swaziland has admitted mature age entrants as follows: Agriculture, 4; Commerce, 7: Education, 34; Humanities, 4: Science, 4: and Social Sciences, 37 (University of Swaziland 1997). And, f inally, in its 30 year life span, the University of Zambia admitted the majority of its mature age entrants through the schools of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences, and relatively very few through the schools of Agricultural Sciences, Medicine an d Natural Sciences.

Evidently, while these four institutions do not discriminate against certain faculties, they hardly use the mature age entry scheme to admit students into the hard sciences. When asked to choose a possible explanation for this state of affairs, all th e 66 respondents from these institutions concurred with their Zimbabwean counterparts that, lack of extra-mural programs in the natural sciences deny the ‘natural scientists’ opportunities to earn alternative university entry qualifications. Implied here is that the problem is not that universities discriminate against natural scientists, but rather that they are very few natural scientists who are eligible for entry through the scheme. Whatever the reason for this state of affairs, this finding is cons istent with Davies’ (1995) observation that mature age entrants are found mostly in the faculties of Arts, Education, General Studies and Social Studies, and very few, if any, in Science, Engineering and Technology.

In examining recruitment and selection procedures, the study looked at the following variables: citizenship; level of academic achievement; proficiency in English; age; gap between leaving school and entering university; extra-mural courses and work e xperience; number of attempts and past failures of the university; entrance tests and examinations, interviews and references. However, before examining how each scheme fares on each variable, it is necessary to look at the general admission policy of ea ch institution.

In Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland, the normal requirements for entrance to the four-year Bachelor’s degree programs is an unspecified aggregate of six passes in the Cambridge Overseas School Certificate. The aggregate of the qualifying subjects (whi ch must include English for all degree programs in Lesotho and Swaziland, and some degree programs in Botswana) is determined from year to year, depending upon the pass rate for the Cambridge Overseas School Certificate. In addition, a student who obtai ns a pass in a diploma program may be allowed to enter Year 1 of a Bachelor’s degree program.

Finally, a student who obtains a credit in a two-year diploma may enter Year 2 of a related Bachelor’s degree program, while a student who obtains a credit in a three-year diploma may proceed to Year 3 of a related Bachelor’s degree program. With res pect to diploma and certificate programs, entrance requirements are normally a minimum of a Third Division in the Cambridge Overseas School Certificate or its equivalent and a minimum of a Junior Certificate, respectively.

The general entrance requirements of the University of Zambia are generally similar to those of the BOLESWA institutions. According to the University of Zambia Calendar (1994-1996), normal entrance requirements for the four year Bachelor’s degree prog rams are five credits ( including English Language) in the Cambridge Overseas School Certificate or five passes (including English Language) in the General Certificate of Education (Ordinary Level). Also, as it is generally the case in the BOLESWA instit utions, a person holding a two-year diploma of the University or of an institution awarding the diploma in associate relationship with the University is regarded as having satisfied the general entrance requirements. In respect of diplomas and certificat e programs, the University of Zambia, unlike the BOLESWA institutions lacks a clearly spelt out entry policy, since the calendar is silent on the issue.

The University of Zimbabwe’s normal entry policy significantly differs from that of the other four institutions. For normal entry into the three-year Bachelor’s degree program, a candidate must have either; (a) five passes in the Cambridge Overseas Sc hool Certificate or General Certificate of Education of which at least two must have been at Advanced Level; or (b) four passes in the Cambridge Overseas School Certificate or General Certificate of Education of which at least three must have been taken a t Advanced Level. In addition, candidates must have passed English Language at Ordinary Level. And for normal entry into undergraduate certificate and diploma programs, a student must have five passes (including English Language) at the Ordinary Level o f the Cambridge Overseas School Certificate or General Certificate of Education. In addition, applicants for undergraduate diploma programs must have an appropriate post Ordinary Level qualification and/or a minimum of 3 years relevant experience.

In examining each scheme vis-à-vis each variable, it must be borne in mind that the purpose of mature age entry schemes is to provide for entry into universities via-non-conventional qualifications.

i) Citizenship

The issue of citizenship is the fundamental condition for consideration in any mature age entry scheme. The University of Zambia is the only institution which clearly spells out that eligibility for consideration under the scheme is restricted to Zamb ian citizens who are at that time resident in Zambia. While the other institutions are silent on this issue, in practice, eligibility for entrance through the scheme is limited to citizens who are resident. In fact, from the categorization of students i n the General Entrance Regulations of each institution it can be inferred that non-citizens will only be considered for normal entry. The University of Zimbabwe is very explicit on this issue. It is clearly stipulated in the calendar (1996/97) that fore ign students may be offered "admission only if they fulfil the entry requirements with very high academic qualifications and provided that their admission will not deny a place to an eligible Zimbabwean applicant" (155).

ii) Level of Academic Achievement

The Universities of Botswana and Zimbabwe are very explicit on the minimum academic requirements for entrance through the scheme. A minimum of a Junior Certificate is required for entrance into Certificate, Diploma and Bachelor’s degree programs at th e University of Botswana, while at the University of Zimbabwe a minimum of three Ordinary Level subjects including English (or six grade eleven subjects at grade six or better including English) and at least five Ordinary Level subjects including English (or six Grade Eleven subjects at Grade six or better including English) is required for Certificate/Diploma and Bachelor’s degree programs, respectively.

While the other three institutions do not specify the academic cut-off point, in practice, they have a cut-off point below which they will not consider any one. For the National University of Lesotho and the University of Swaziland, the cut-off point for the certificate, diploma and Bachelor’s degree programs is the Junior Certificate, while for the University of Zambia the cut-off point for Bachelors degree programs (the only level to which the scheme is applicable) is the Cambridge Overseas School C ertificate or the General Certificate of Education. Thus, the BOLESWA countries admit people with Form Two (Junior Certificate), while Zambia and Zimbabwe limit entrance through the scheme to holders of the Cambridge School Certificate (Ordinary level). Two observations can be made in connection with this point. First, people who are eligible through the scheme for Bachelor’s degree programs in the BOLESWA countries would not be admitted through the scheme to the certificate and diploma programs at the University of Zimbabwe. Second, those who qualify to enter Bachelor’s degree programs through the scheme in Zambia and Zimbabwe would qualify for normal entry in Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland.

When compared to normal entry requirements and the general level of academic education reflected in the students records for both former and current mature age entry students, several issue seem obvious. First, there is no difference between the acade mic requirements for normal entry and those for mature age entry at the University of Zambia. Evidently, in practice, normal entry is much higher than what is reflected in the calendar. The demand for university education has inflated the normal entry r equirements and, in turn, this has raised academic requirements for mature age entry. By not raising the academic requirements accordingly, the university authorities are clearly refusing to succumb to the market forces of education. Instead, they have opted to suspend the mature age entry scheme. Suspending the scheme would be appropriate if all those who are eligible for normal entry can enter the university. A similar situation existed in Lesotho immediately before the suspension of the scheme. Mo re and more people (70% of the 1981/82 intake) needed Cambridge School Certificates (Ordinary Level) to enroll through the scheme, thus closing the gap between mature age entry and normal entry. Instead of raising the academic qualifications accordingly the authorities suspended the mature age entry scheme. On the other hand, in Botswana, Swaziland and Zimbabwe, the stipulated minimum academic qualifications tally with the actual students qualifications as reflected in students records.

iii) Proficiency in English

The medium of instruction in all the five institutions is English, hence the relevance of proficiency in English as a criterion for selection through the mature age entry scheme. However, only the Universities of Zambia and Zimbabwe stipulate that app licants for entry through the scheme must not only show evidence of proficiency in the English Language, but they must also satisfy the University that they have an adequate command of the English Language. The latter requirement involves undertaking a t est in English proficiency.

The BOLESWA universities, on the other hand, are silent on the issue of proficiency in English. It must, however, be pointed out that in practice, the National University of Lesotho had incorporated an English component into the entrance examination w hich all applicants had to pass. An applicant who failed the English component of the entrance examination was allowed to proceed only if he/she was found to have passed English at an examining body that is recognized by the university, such as the &quo t;Cambridge Overseas School Certificate and Business Studies" (National University of Lesotho 1978, 1).

It must also be pointed out that whereas in the BOLESWA institutions proficiency in English is not a prerequisite for admission, these institutions make up for this deficiency by requiring that all first year students who do not have a minimum of an E grade in English at Advanced Level enroll for English and/or Academic Communication Skills. The Universities of Zambia and Zimbabwe do not have such a requirement, hence they require that proficiency in English be a condition for admission through the sc heme.

iv) Age

By its very nature, the concept of mature age entry implies "maturity" in many respects including age, hence age is a relevant criterion for selection through the scheme. In this respect, all but the University of Zimbabwe restrict admissio n to people who are at least 25 years of age. At the University of Zimbabwe, the age restriction differs per level of study. For the Bachelor’s degree programs, admission is restricted to 30 year olds and above and for certificate and diploma programs, admission is limited to 30 year olds and above and 25 year olds and above, for males and females, respectively. The two tier system for certificate and diploma programs was adopted in the early nineties as part of an affirmative action strategy to increa se the number of female students at the university.

v) Gap Between Leaving School and Entering University

The bigger the gap between formal school and university, the more the educational attainments and the longer the relevant work experience, hence the relevance of this variable in the selection criteria. All the five institutions require that applicant s must have completed their full-time school at least five years before the beginning of the academic year for which admission is sought. However, while others insist upon this requirement, for 29 years of its 30 year existence (since November 1967), the University of Zambia did not insist upon this requirement (Siaciwena 1996). In practice, though, it seems that the university did not need to bother about this issue, as the gap for the students who are still in the system ranged from 10 to 27 years. A ltogether, the gap for current students in four universities (except the National University of Lesotho) ranged from 8 to 27 years, clearly suggesting that a five year gap requirement is quite generous.

vi) Extra-Mural Courses and Work Experience

Extra-mural attainments are an essential component of consideration for entry through mature age entry schemes hence, their relevance here. Without exception, all the five institutions clearly stipulate that mature age entry applicants must have demon strated potential suitability for University studies by virtue of their performance in extra-mural courses. From the attributes of the current crop of students as reflected in students records it can be determined that extra-mural courses range from two- week workshops to one year certificate programs.

Closely related to extra-mural achievements is relevant work experience. All the five institutions clearly stipulate that applicants through the scheme must have work experience that is considered by the university to be relevant to the proposed field of study. While regulations for the mature age entry schemes do not spell out the required length of experience, an analysis of regulations pertaining to programs that offer mature age entry reveals that the required length of relevant work experience g enerally ranges form two to five years.

vii) Number of Attempts and Past Failures of the University

In respect of the number of attempts to join the university through the scheme, the criteria varies considerably. The University of Zimbabwe is the strictest in this respect. The regulations clearly stipulate that "applicants who have previo usly attended mature age entry tests and/or interviews without success will not be considered for admission under this form of entry unless in the intervening period they have acquired relevant additional qualifications and/or experience" (University of Zimbabwe Calendar 1996/97, 179). The University of Botswana is a close second. The relevant regulations clearly stipulate that "no applicants who have already attempted the mature age entry test and examinations twice without success can be co nsidered for admission under this form of entry unless in the intervening period they have acquired relevant additional qualifications" (University of Botswana Calendar 1996/97, 49). The National University of Lesotho and the University of Swaziland are a little more generous on this issue. They state that those who have already attempted the mature age entry examinations in two successive years without success cannot be considered for admission under the scheme, unless in that two year period they have acquired additional qualifications. In principle, a candidate who fails more than twice can be considered for admission under the scheme without any additional qualifications, provided his/her unsuccessful attempts were not in consecutive years. T he University of Zambia is silent on this issue. However, it seems that in practice the institution adopted a position similar to that of the University of Zimbabwe, on this issue.

With regard to the admission of past failures of the university, it is only the University of Swaziland which stipulates that applicants who have previously attended the university may not be re-admitted to the university under these regulations to a p rogram in which they have previously been unsuccessful during previous attendance, unless they produce evidence of further study satisfactory to the university. The other four institutions are silent on the matter, not without cause. This situation is c learly dealt with by their general regulations pertaining to "discontinuation" and "exclusion." Like the others, the University of Swaziland has clear regulations that deal with the situation at hand. In this respect, the regulation s pertaining to mature age entry on this issue are superfluous and, as such, serve no purpose at all.

viii) Entrance Tests and Examinations, Interviews and References

Entrance tests and examinations generally constitute the last step in the process of considering people’s eligibility for entrance through the scheme. Without exception, all the five institutions require that candidates attend an aptitude test to dete rmine their suitability for university study in general, and for the proposed area of study in particular. For this reason, entrance tests normally take the form of a general paper, and a special paper in the candidates’ intended field of study.

Whereas in the other four institutions, the entrance test is written, at the University of Zimbabwe it may be in the form of an interview. In fact, in the BOLESWA countries, the interview is an additional requirement over and above the written test. Alternatively, in Lesotho and Swaziland, it is only those candidates who, in the opinion of the examiners, merit further consideration, who are required to attend an interview, in Botswana, all candidates, irrespective of their performance in the written test, are required to attend and interview. In addition, the University of Botswana requires references from all applicants, while the National University of Lesotho seeks references from candidates who successfully pass the initial screening test.

From the above, it is evident that the BOLESWA countries have a laborious screening process, when compared to Zambia and Zimbabwe. A laborious screening process involving interviews and references is necessary only in the absence of a properly validat ed and reliable entrance test.

Percentages of admissions through the scheme were sought at the institutional level. From available figures, Botswana has had an annual intake of between 150 and 200 mature age entry students in the past five years. This represents between 15 and 20% of the annual intake. Enrollment projections suggest that the university has had a total of between 600 and 800 mature age entry students in any one academic year in the past five years. Compared to the University of Botswana, The National University o f Lesotho had more or less similar percentages when it was in operation. Between 1976/77 and 1978/79 the annual intake of mature age entrants ranged from 17 to 55, while total first year intake ranged from 225 to 294. The average annual intake for matur e entrants ranged from 6 to 19%, in this period. From available figures, it can be estimated that, at the time of its suspension in 1985, the scheme brought in an annual intake of about 100 mature age entrants out of a total annual intake of 500. From t he same figures, it appears that between 1980 and 1985, the National University of Lesotho had about 400 mature age entry students out of a total student population of about 1500.

Figures pertaining to the University of Swaziland represent a significant difference between it and its former partners. Table 1 shows that in the past five years, the mature age entry annual intake for the University of Swaziland has never exceeded 1 .6% of total annual intake. While the total annual intake has increased by 84% (from 901 in 1992/93 to 1659 in 1996/97) the annual intake for mature age entry students has declined by 53% (from 15 in 1993/94 to 8 in 1996/97). Evidently, the contributio n of the mature age entry scheme towards the student body at the University of Swaziland is negligible. At this rate, the scheme is as good as not there and it is likely to die a natural death. Perhaps, it is not exactly needed. A glimpse into the numb er of applicants for entrance through the scheme, during the period at hand, indicates that they have ranged between 26 and 88, and that there has been a general decline in applicants since 1993/94.

In Zambia, enrollment figures for the period immediately preceding the abolition of the scheme in 1996, clearly show that the contribution of the scheme in terms of student numbers was negligible (Table 2). As it is evident from Table 2, mature age entry students did not exceed 6.4% of the enrollment between 1990/91 and 1994/95. According to the Siaciwena Report (1996), in real terms the number of applicants for the entrance through the scheme have been declining. Perhaps the scheme had outli ved its usefulness, hence it was abolished.

Finally, from available figures pertaining to the University of Zimbabwe it is evident that the annual mature age intake has risen form a little over 2% in 1981 to 10% in 1997. Ten percent represents about 350 of total annual intake. Thus, in any academic year there should be about 1000 mature age entry students from a total of about 10,000 students. According to an unwritten rule, the annual intake of mature age entrants in any program cannot exceed 10% of the total intake of that program. Hence, the percentage of mature age entrants does not in this case represent demand for the scheme.

Two observations can be made from the above data. Firstly, of the three existing schemes those of the Universities of Botswana and Zimbabwe are the most viable in terms of enrollment. Secondly, of the two that are now defunct, that of the National Un iversity of Lesotho was abandoned at a time when enrollment wise it seemed most viable, while that of Zambia was abandoned at a time when its viability was on the decline.

The performance of mature age entry students was sought both quantitatively and qualitatively. Also, in order to put the performance of mature age entry students into context, their pass rate was put side by side with that of regular students. Quanti tatively, in the past five years, Botswana has had average pass rates of 85% and 75%, for regular and mature age entry students, respectively. In the last five years of its existence, the National University of Lesotho had pass rates of 95% and 90%, for regular and mature age entry students, respectively. At the University of Swaziland, the situation was slightly different from that of Botswana and Lesotho. During the period at hand, the average pass rates were 85% and 95%, for regular and mature age e ntry students, respectively. In Zambia, the respective pass rates were 87% and 82%, while in Zimbabwe they were 85% and 80%, for the period in question.

From the above findings, it is evident that in terms of performance, there is no significant difference in either direction between regular and mature age entry students.

In order to determine the qualitative performance of mature age entry students vis-à-vis that of regular students, those head of departments whose departments had mature age entry students were asked to indicate whether they consider mature age entry students to be in the top 30%, top 50%, bottom 50% or bottom 30%. Of the six relevant respondents in Botswana, one cited ‘top 30%’, 3 cited ‘top 50%’, and 2 cited ‘bottom 30%’. In Lesotho, the two relevant heads of departments cited ‘top 50%.’ I n Swaziland, all the six relevant heads of departments indicated that they considered the mature age entry students to be in the top 50%. At the University of Zambia, ‘top 50%’ was cited by the majority (6), while the rest were cited by one each. Finally , at the University of Zimbabwe, exactly half (5) cited ‘top 50%’, two apiece cited ‘bottom 50%’ and ‘bottom 30%’, and one cited ‘top 30%.’

Altogether, 25 of the 33 heads whose departments had the scheme, consider mature age entry students to be among the top 50% of the students (Table 3). Clearly, heads of departments find the performance of mature age entry students generally commendabl e. An interesting observation was that all the five respondents who considered mature age entry students to be among the bottom 30% in performance, were in the natural sciences.

The strengths and weaknesses of the scheme were examined in the context of the following variables: objectives of the scheme; scope of each scheme; procedures and criteria for selection; percentage of admissions; and format.

In Botswana , 21 out of the 24 respondents commended the mature age entry scheme for providing a second chance opportunity for university study to the socially disadvantaged who could not gain university entry qualifications at formal school. This vie w was shared by 12 respondents from Lesotho, the 10 from Swaziland, 13 from Zambia, and 21 from Zimbabwe. However, 3 people in Botswana, 1 in Lesotho, 6 in Zambia and 1 in Zimbabwe see mature age entry schemes as a ruse to bring in failures of the school system to the university. Altogether, 77 respondents commended mature age entry schemes as noble schemes designed to enable universities to expand their activities beyond the narrow, traditional young age group, and thus serve a broader social purpose.< /P>

In respect of the scope of each scheme, 21 respondents from Botswana, 12 from Lesotho, 10 from Swaziland, 13 from Zambia, and 21 from Zimbabwe lamented that in practice the scheme served a very small part of the community - largely those who hold non-f ormal qualifications from humanities. While, technically, there was nothing in four of the institutions to prevent the establishment of the scheme in any program that is covered by the appropriate regulation, in practice there was very little evidence of the scheme’s existence in certain programs. This finding is consistent with Davies’ (1995) observation that mature age entrants are found mostly in the faculties of Arts, Education, General Studies and Social Studies.

To determine the strengths and weaknesses of the selection process, respondents were asked to react to each aspect of the selection process. By inference from their reactions, respondents are generally satisfied with the various aspects of the selecti on process as they are applied by their institution. However, judging from the way they responded to the issue of proficiency in English, all the 47 respondents from the BOLESWA institutions are critical of their institutions’ silence on the matter. By implication, these respondents would like to see a situation whereby a good command of the English Language is made a condition of acceptance through the scheme.

With regard to percentage of admissions, respondents generally subscribe to the need to uphold the major purpose of universities - that of excellence in the education of the young school leaver. Hence, without exception all would like to see some kind of quota system whereby mature age entrants do not exceed a certain percentage of the total annual intake. Their suggestions of a percentage ranged from 10 to 20%. This finding confirms Hasley’s (1992) observation that due to the need to preserve the u niversity’s traditional image, many universities limit the number of mature age entrants to a small percentage per program.

When asked whether or not it would be more expedient to design special programs for mature age entry students, all the respondents insist that mature age entry schemes must remain alternative entry routes to university education. Under no circumstance s should they become separate programs of study for some kind of student. Asked to explain their position, almost all of them seem to suggest that to create special programs for mature age entry students would be tantamount to creating a second rate univ ersity within another. This view clearly confirms the purpose of mature age entry schemes: to offer alternative entry routes to the university’s existing programs. This is indeed tantamount to lowering of entrance standards without lowering university s tandards.

The study findings show that the five schemes are similar in many respects. Firstly, the objectives of the scheme are essentially the same across the five institutions at hand, namely, to provide a "second chance" opportunity for university education for those adults who lack the necessary entry requirements, provided they can demonstrate capability for this level of study. Secondly, in all of the five institutions studied, the "administrators" are generally committed to the mature age entry scheme, and would like to see this facility extended to those faculties that have not traditionally been associated with it, such as natural sciences, engineering and technology. Thirdly, in practice, all the five schemes are largely targeted towards people whos e field of activities are in the humanities. Fourthly, and finally, in all the five schemes, there is no marked difference in performance, between regular and mature age entry students.

Nevertheless, the findings also reveal some differences among the five schemes. With regard to procedures and criteria for selection, there are two major variations. First, the BOLESWA schemes admit people with Form Two (Junior Certificate), while th e Zambian and Zimbabwean schemes limit entrance through the scheme to holders of the Cambridge School Certificate (Ordinary Level). Second, whereas the Zambian and the Zimbabwean schemes clearly stipulate that applicants must be proficient in English, th e BOLESWA schemes are silent on the issue. Finally, in respect to percentages of admissions through the scheme, there are marked differences that defy the above pattern. At the time of suspension, the Lesotho scheme had an annual average of about 20% ad missions through the scheme, while the Zambian scheme had an annual average of about 5% admissions through the scheme. And, while the Universities of Botswana and Zimbabwe reflect a mature age entry intake of 10 to 20% in their annual intake, the Univers ity of Swaziland brings in an insignificant portion (0.5 to 1.6%) of its annual intake through the scheme.

Despite a low return rate which was undoubtedly due to a limited time frame, this study has provided useful insight into the operations of five mature age entry schemes in the region. Notwithstanding the obvious need for a more comprehensive study cov ering many more universities in the region, the findings of this study have several implications for research and practice.

Several questions that point to further research on this issue have emerged. First, there is a need to establish why people who have had experience with mature age entry schemes feature very prominently among the people who would like to see such sche mes done away with. Second, there is need to determine exactly why the scheme has not taken off in the natural sciences. Is it due to lack of extra-mural programs in the natural sciences, as suggested by the respondents in this study? Or is it due to t he fact that mature age entry schemes are generally considered to be unsuitable for the natural sciences? If so, why and how? All these are questions to which research ought to address itself. Third and finally, there is an urgent need to investigate w hy Lesotho and Zambia abolished the scheme.

Notwithstanding the need for further research, the findings of the study represent useful information for universities.

(i) There is enough commitment among administrators and university senators (people who make and implement academic decisions) to mature age entry schemes. This suggests that they subscribe to the ideals of the scheme and, as such, would be willing t o have it on board, if they do not have it already.

(ii) There is evidence, though not much, that natural scientists can also benefit from such a scheme. Therefore, in the absence of counter evidence, the scheme should be available to those scientists who are eligible for it.

(iii) In respect of procedures and criteria for selection, three issues have been singled out for possible review. First, the issue of academic qualifications need to be monitored very closely, and reviewed accordingly. A high primary/secondary scho ol progression rate such as that existing in Zimbabwe (70%) could inflate qualifications forcing an upward review of all qualifications. Failure to do so would not only lead to an inundation of the university, but it would also create false hopes among t he many aspirants of university education. Abandoning the scheme due to high qualifications all round is an appropriate decision only if all those that qualify for normal entry can enter university. Second, the screening process for the BOLESWA countrie s seems rather long and demanding to both the system and prospective candidates. An evaluation of the process may reveal that some steps are superfluous. Third and finally, the University of Swaziland’s regulation pertaining to the admission of past fai lures of the university through the scheme seems superfluous, given the provisions of the general regulations. The university concerned may wish to consider this.

(iv) Universities may want to strike a balance between the preservation of their images as places of excellence for the education of the young and the need to serve society at large. A quota of between 10 and 20% for mature age entrants seems accepta ble to university ‘administrators’, while any thing less than 10% may threaten the viability of the mature age entry scheme.

(v) As presently constituted, mature age entry schemes seem to complement existing university entrance qualifications without threatening the existing university standards. Also, they enable universities to broaden the scope of their service to th e community, thus enhancing the images that their communities have of them. It, therefore, seems proper to suggest that all universities in the region, and perhaps in the developing world as a whole, should adopt such a scheme.

It is envisaged that the dissemination shall be done as follows:

i) Through the university seminar series at the University of Botswana. My collaborators have agreed to hold similar seminars in their respective universities as soon as they receive a copy of the report.

ii) Four research articles in international journals are envisaged.

iii) A paper presentation in an international conference in early 1998, is also envisaged.

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